Faravid – Historian ja arkeologian tutkimuksen aikakauskirja

Sarjakuva pohjoisen lehdissä vuoteen 1944

2024-02-16T09:56:24+02:00

Pohjois-Suomessa sarjakuva valjastettiin ensimmäisenä poliittisen satiirin käyttöön, kun Jätkä-pilalehti K.A. Suvannon tekemän Antti Lehkosen merkilliset elämänvaiheet -sarjan. Inspiraatio julkaisuun tuli saksankielisestä maailmasta, jossa vastaavilla tarinoilla oli perinteitä jo 1840-luvulta saakka. Saksasta tuli muutenkin paljon vaikutteita Suomeen, joten suunta oli luonteva. Lisäksi työväenliikkeessä seurattiin alueen tapahtumia tarkasti.

Eurooppalaista vaikutusta olivat Jätkän kustantamon päälehden Kansan Tahdon joulukuussa 1913 aloittamat Kuvakatsaukset. Viikon keskeiset uutiset kertaavalla sarjakuvakatsauksella oli juuret myös alkavassa uutisfilmien maailmassa. Niiden alku oli Ranskassa, mutta nopeasti niitä tehtiin ympäri maailman, myös Suomessa. Kuvakatsaus oli houkutin uudistaa lehden tilaus seuraavalle vuodelle. 1930-luvulla samaa keinoa sarjakuvien avulla käyttivät Raahen Seutu ja Kainuun Sanomat.

Pohjoisen aikakauslehtiin sarjakuvat tulivat tiedonhalun kautta. Useammat suojeluskuntapiirit antoivat alueellisissa lehdissään sotilasoppia. Tämä valistus päättyi, kun tiedon epäiltiin päätyvän myös vääriin käsiin.

Huumori- ja viihdesarjakuvat tulivat Suomeen pääasiassa Yhdysvalloista. Siellä 1890-luvulla oli sarjakuva kaupallistettu osaksi lehdistön levikkitaistelua, täällä mahdollisuudesta kiinnostuttiin vasta 1920-luvun puolivälin jälkeen kilpailun lukijoista kiristyttyä. Ensimmäinen välähdys amerikkalaisista perhesarjakuvista pohjoisessa olivat tupakkaa markkinoivat mainossarjakuvat.

Amerikkalaiset syndikaatit myivät sarjakuviaan alueellisten toimistojen kautta. Suomeen niitä ei ajanjaksolla perustettu, eikä Tukholmasta tai Kööpenhaminasta operoivat myyjät näyttäneet olevan kiinnostuneita Pohjois-Suomesta markkina-alueena. Alue jäi pitkälti kotimaisen toimijan, Tekijätoimiston, varaan. Vuonna 1935 aloittanut suomalainen syndikaatti sai myytyä Helsingissä tai Tampereella asuneiden Poika Vesannon, Ami Hauhion ja Eeli Jaatisen sarjakuvia useampaankin lehteen.

Oululainen Kaleva yritti 1930-luvun alussa omaa sarjakuvatuotantoa. Paikallisten tekijöiden ammattitaito sarjakuvien tekemisessä oli kuitenkin vasta kehittymässä, joten yleisön suuren suosion saavuttaminen jäi toteutumatta. Osa pohjoisen tekijöistä sai arvokasta oppia siitä, miten lukijoihin vetoava painotuotteeseen siirretty piirros tehtiin.

Lehdet julkaisivat sarjakuvat yleensä viihteeksi tai lapsille suunnatuissa lehden osioissa. Julkisanotuissa syissä sarjakuva oli tarkoitettu nuorempien lukijoiden silmille, mutta myös vanhempien lukijoiden toivottiin ottavat hahmot omikseen. Kotimaiset tekijät olivat ammentaneet oppinsa pääasiassa Yhdysvalloista, joten kotimainen tuotanto korvasi pohjoisessa amerikkalaisten perhesarjojen voittokulun.

Ennen vuotta 1944 sarjakuvat eivät saaneet kiinteää sijaa tai vakiopaikkaa Pohjois-Suomessa julkaistuissa (sanoma)lehdissä. Lukijoiden kiinnostusta testattiin, mutta vakituista tarjontaa ei (vielä) aloitettu.

Salaisesta yhteistyöstä strategiseen kumppanuuteen: Suomen ja Japanin turvallisuuspoliittiset suhteet 1904–2023

2024-12-15T19:14:32+02:00

Today, while globalization has continuously strengthened, phenomena have emerged that seem to take global development in the opposite direction. The beginning of its current phase can be considered the massive One Belt, One Road policy that Chinese President Xi Jinping initiated in practice in 2013 to increase China’s influence in nearby regions and around the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war against Ukraine followed this policy the next year, along with the occupation of Crimea to restore the country’s Soviet-era superpower status.

Due to these events, the question of how various international crises can affect mutual relations between countries has been raised. I am studing this question in light of the relations between Finland and Japan, i.e. how different crises have been reflected in them. I will start with the Finnish-Japanese cooperation during the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), after which I will briefly examine the security crisis of the 1930s, WWII, the reestablishment of diplomatic relations between Finland and Japan in 1957, and finally, the visits of the Finnish state leadership to Japan from 2016 to 2022.

After the occupation of Crimea in 2014, President Sauli Niinistö visited Japan in March 2016, Defense Minister Jussi Niinistö in February 2019, Prime Minister Sanna Marin in May 2022 after the escalation of the war in Ukraine, and Defense Minister Antti Kaikkonen in October that same year. I have studied the political relations between Finland and Japan often, but the aforementioned changes in international politics in the 2010s due to the politics of China and Russia have created a new starting point for them.

The Finnish-Japanese security policy cooperation and friendship that started with the Russo-Japanese War has progressed after several intermediate stages to the official strategic partnership concluded in 2016 and the clear cooperation declarations associated with this partnership. The cooperation was characterized by a conflict between the countries’ own and mutual interests and the rapprochement caused by external fears. A good example was that despite the close friendship between Finland and Japan, the differences in their basic interests arose during WWII.

However, Finland’s solid positioning in the Western world in the 1990s with the end of the YYA agreement and the EU agreement, Russia’s aggressive Ukraine policy since 2014, and China’s new foreign policy in 2013, triggered the situation in such a way that Finland now officially supports Japan’s policy in the Indo-Pacific region while Japan supports Finland’s policy in Europe. The rapprochement that started at the beginning of the 20th century has finally led through several international crises to a situation resembling an official alliance relationship and an emphasis on common values. Finland and Japan now share a common world further strengthened by Finland’s 2023 NATO membership and Japan’s increasing cooperation with NATO.

Correlation Between Migration and Security of Finland and Romania

2023-11-27T22:38:43+02:00

This article examines the problem of migration as a social product and construction of objective reality in the case of Finland and Romania. We seek to analyze the question of migration from the perspective of security identifying the aspects which have an impact on the national security of the two countries. In this study the following research questions could be answered: What is the status and role of Finland and Romania as countries of destination and countries of transit? Is migration also a source of benefits besides the source of danger, risks and threat to the national and regional security? Do the Finnish welfare services conflict with the pluralism of immigrants’ service needs? Are the values of immigrant workers perceived to be in conflict with the methods and goals of the Finnish and Romanian service system?

As well, we investigate the views of the countries in question regarding the difficulties caused by the issues of cooperation, intercultural interaction, organization of work and contradictory attitudes related to differentiating the support measures and services offered to citizens of the respective countries and to people with a foreign background. These unfavourable representations that the Finnish and Romanian citizens have about the invaders who threaten their communities are repeatedly a source of hostility among them.

Piispankivi – rajamerkki vai sittenkin jotakin muuta?

2024-03-07T12:03:01+02:00

Piispankivi is a monumental stone structure in Bothnian Bay, built on the island of Iso-Huituri in the coastal area of the town of Tornio. Its cubical stone filled feature is appr. three metres high and has four appr. six metres wide walls. Explanations for the purpose of this man-made structure derive from the name of the structure: Bishop’s stone. According to the prevailing interpretation, Piispankivi would be a part of a chain of boundary markers between the dioceses of Uppsala and Turku, which extends to Western Lapland. The structure would have been built as a boundary marker around 1346 or shortly after the bishops of Uppsala and Turku met in the Bothnian Bay to agree on regional and tax matters.

In this paper we propose another explanation. In our view old maps, documentation of border disputes from the 16^th to 18^th centuries, and traditional border demarcation practices at sea do not support the interpretation of the Piispankivi as a sign of the diocesan boundary, instead they reveal arguments against it. We would suggest an explanation based on the structure’s monumental symbolism, which is supported by the massiveness of the structure and the large amount of work it required at sea, far from settlements. We consider it most likely that the Piispankivi would have been erected by the Bishop of Uppsala and built by local peasants in the 1370s or later as a massive monument in the disputed border region to mark the archbishop's territory with its taxing rights against the power aspirations of Novgorod. At present, Piispankivi is one of the oldest ancient monuments preserved in its original form in Northern Finland.

Highway Robbery in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th–17th Century

2024-12-15T19:05:25+02:00

Road robbery is a specific crime that was widespread across Europe and has been around for ages. The gangs that emerged would rob and live along the roads. Historians have taken note of this social phenomenon. However, the historiography has mainly focused on road robbery in Western Europe in the 15th and 17th centuries. Historians have much less studied road robbery in Eastern Europe, what may lead to the unreliable perception that the scale of these crimes in Eastern Europe was lower. This article examines the case of road robbery in the GDL: the causes and circumstances of crimes, the timing and location, and the composition of social groups of the perpetrators and the victims. The study has led to conclusions that add to the knowledge of the history of crime in Europe.

Juhannuskarkeloista kaupunkipuistotoiveisiin

2024-08-15T11:16:47+03:00

National parks have been the most recognized form of nature conservation worldwide, but nature has also been significant in urban environments. In Finland, cities began establishing so-called people’s parks or municipal parks from the late 19th century. These were natural or lightly maintained recreational and hiking areas that were easily accessible and freely available to urban residents. Since 2000, it has also been possible to establish national urban parks with a more official status. The relationship between cities and their people’s/municipal parks has involved tensions arising from urban growth and economic land use requirements.

This article examines the use of the Ounasvaara recreational area near the city of Rovaniemi and its long-term development and conservation goals. It is particularly important to look at conflicts, as they reveal the values and motivations of different stakeholders. The sources emphasize newspapers from the earlier part of the period and city and authority documents from the later part.

From the late 19th century until the mid-20th century, there were no significant conflicts related to the use of Ounasvaara. It was a very rural people’s park where traditional and new uses coexisted. Midsummer festivities and winter sports events at Ounasvaara attracted large audiences, but these events were seasonal and there was little construction in the area. The first initiative for conservation was made as early as 1910, but even then, tourism and nature conservation were not considered conflicting purposes. The area was quite large, and the proportion of private land ownership was significant, so conservation decisions could not be achieved over a long period despite several plans.

A ski lodge was built on the hill in 1949, and a hotel was constructed in 1968. The hotel construction already faced criticism from local heritage and nature associations, contrasting the concept of a people’s park with the interests of a small group of hotel guests. The construction of sports and tourism services as well construction related to city expansion and public services progressed on the slopes of Ounasvaara from the 1970s, which increased public debate and conflict between conservationists and the business sector, even though the hilltop area largely remained natural for a long time. The land use needs of the city and businesses influenced the development of many other municipal parks, but Ounasvaara was especially impacted by expanded mass tourism, particularly Lapland’s experience tourism. It became such a significant factor that the initiative to establish a national urban park was halted in 2018. Public and local political discussions about developing Ounasvaara became very intense and polarized in Rovaniemi during the 2000s.

Turun Sanomien välittämä kuva urheilusta kansainvälisen vaikuttamisen keinona jatkosodan aikana

2024-06-27T13:36:17+03:00

Sanomalehdistö on vaikuttanut liikuntakulttuurin muodostumiseen Suomessa. Urheilu ja maanpuolustus ovat tukeneet toisiaan koko itsenäisen Suomen historian ajan. Urheilupolitiikan noustessa itsenäistymisen myötä tärkeäksi osaksi julkista valtaa, urheilutoimijoilla oli tärkeä rooli itsenäisyyden turvaajina. Urheilu edisti armeijan puolustuskuntoisuutta ja näin ollen kansakunnan elinkelpoisuutta.

Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen, miten Turun Sanomat kirjoitti liikunnasta ja urheilusta kansainvälisen vaikuttamisen keinona jatkosodan aikana. Tutkimukseni aineisto koostuu Turun Sanomien jatkosodan aikaisista numeroista 25.6.1941 – 19.9.1944. Jatkosodan aikaisista numeroista olen valinnut tarkemmin analysoitavaksi yhteensä 250 liikuntaa ja urheilua käsittelevää kirjoitusta.

Sotien aikana Turun Sanomat oli yksi Suomen merkittävimmistä ja seuratuimmista sanomalehdistä. Lehden liberaalinen linja, johon itsenäisyyden menettämisen uhka toi nationalistisia piirteitä, on mielenkiintoinen. Turun Sanomien valintaa alkuperäisaineistoksi puoltavat myös paikallishistoriallinen näkökulma ja väitöskirjani maantieteellinen rajaus.

Jatkosotaa edeltäneen talvisodan aikaisessa kansainvälisessä vaikuttamisessa keskeistä oli tuen ja avunannon pyytäminen. Tähän käytettiin välineenä urheilua, esimerkiksi Taisto Mäen ja Paavo Nurmen Yhdysvaltojen kilpailukiertueen muodossa. Paavo Nurmen agendalla oli juoksunäytösten ohella esimerkiksi aseellisen avun pyytäminen Yhdysvalloilta. Nurmen palattua kiertueeltaan hän alkoi ottaa kantaa kotimaan asioihin; nyt oli keskityttävä suurten urheilutapahtumien sijaan kansalaisten liikuttamiseen.

Jatkosodassa suomalaiset eivät tehneet Yhdysvaltojen kiertueita. Maailmaa valloittivat kestävyysjuoksuhegemonian saavuttaneet ruotsalaiset – Gunder Hägg etunenässä. Suomi suhtautui urheilunkin osalta asevelihengessä Saksaan, ainakin tiettyyn pisteeseen saakka.

Jatkosodassa kansainvälisen vaikuttamisen keinot olivat entistäkin rajatummat; Suomen osanotto kansainvälisiin kilpailuihin väheni ja talvisodan henki vaihtui eräänlaiseksi suhteellisuudentajuksi. Sodan pitkittyessä huomio oli enemmän ja enemmän kansan liikuttamisessa ja nuorison kasvattamisessa.

Trumpin Amerikka-kuva amerikkalaisittain tulkittuna

2024-12-15T19:19:52+02:00

Uusi saamelaisten ylirajaisen historian yleisesitys

2024-12-15T19:21:42+02:00

Keskustelu kansainvälisestä maineesta ja turvallisuudesta: Suomi ja Japanin ero Kansainliitosta 1933

2024-12-15T19:23:31+02:00

In the spring of 2024, Finland had many discussions about securing the eastern border against Russia’s possible attempts to influence it. In connection with that were concerns about how the new law might conflict with the constitution and international agreements regarding asylum seekers. In other words, the question was how to balance international agreements and the contradiction created by national security.

This type of security policy discussion seeking balance related to conflicts of interest is by no means new in Finnish history. As an example, I will examine the process when the League of Nations discussed Japan’s aggressive foreign policy on the Asian continent from 1931 to 1933. In that, Finland had to consider the different emphases of national security in relation to international cooperation and reputation.

The handling of the question of Manchuria in the League of Nations forced Finland to take an official position. Finland had to vote against Japan, albeit reluctantly, because security policy at that time relied on the League of Nations. In addition, through England, concerns about important financial interests were also associated with the vote and were partly related to concerns about general international prestige and reputation. The counterweight was Japan’s possible support against the threat of the Soviet Union. However, it did not weigh so much that Finland would have abandoned its security policy based on the League of Nations. A line was drawn in which Finland could appear to be a united front with the leading states of the League of Nations and be part of the international regulatory system of the time. Thus, in that situation, the line of supporting international order and regulation was followed at the time. The case speaks well of how difficult it is, especially for a small state, to find a suitable line amid contradictions caused by international pressure.